1. General context2. Contact with "Transcendental Meditation"3. The script and direction of a professional diversion4. The appearance of a scientific procedure and a "personal file" with political-ideological connotations5. The "Transcendental Meditation" Technique6. The directors-actors, the setting and a very strange ritual for those times7. The invasion of absurdity, violence and pathology in the student environment8. Social context and underground connections with the system9. Launching the investigation10. Systemic repression11. The reaction of the academic environment and professional authorities12. Echoes in social space13. The evolution of psychology after 1990, the first signal of the encapsulation of Romanian society and the taking over of control over the civil sphere through the discreet militarization of the entire political and social system
14. Instead of conclusions
For this purpose, he turned to his collaborator Irina Holdevici, assistant at the Institute of Physical Education and Sports in Bucharest (IEFS), where she taught psychology and did relaxation and suggestion trainings with the students there, and to Professor Mihai Golu from the Faculty of Psychology of the University of Bucharest.
In the end, two students were selected, namely Dana Faur from the Institute of Physical Education and Sports (recommended by Dr. Irina Holdevici), and the undersigned (recommended by Professor Mihai Golu).
I obtained the recommendation of Professor Mihai Golu after long discussions that I had since the beginning of my first year about the evolution of the psychological field and even about the situation in the country, discussions in which I told him that following my readings, experience and my previous social route, I was willing to invest in a field that was currently proscribed, but which in my opinion would surely become important again (I was relying at the time on the evolution of the general situation in the country).
On the other hand, among my year colleagues at the Faculty of Philosophy-History, I was the only one who had come with a recommendation from another faculty and among the few who had worked during the faculty in the first year (later I found out that I had a colleague who was simultaneously working at Radio Romania).
According to the rules of the regime at the time, those who dropped out of one faculty and wanted to enroll in another faculty had the right to take the exam only after working for a year "in production", so that the state could recover the expenses incurred with them at the first faculty.
Before being admitted to the Faculty of Psychology, I was a teacher at the " Mihai Eminescu" Economic High School near George Cosbuc Square, which later moved to a new location on Soseaua Viilor in Bucharest, exactly where, years later, the first headquarters of the College of Psychologists in Romania would be.
The director of the high school, Romanian language teacher Ion Coman, pleased with the way I coordinated the dormitory students I was responsible for and the way I related to them, proposed that I keep my job even when he found out that I had become a full-time student, although, according to the rules of the regime, those who were employed could not be students in day courses, but only in evening or part-time faculties. In those days, a salary, even minimal, meant a lot to a full-time student who could not receive a scholarship.
Although I had entered the Faculty of Psychology, full-time and with a scholarship average, I could not benefit from it because my parents, middle school teachers, exceeded the salary ceiling by several tens of lei.[ 3]
This is the reason why I hid this from my colleagues at the faculty who could not understand why in my first year of college I was always absent from the first class or seminar and why I was absent from lunch every day.
I did the same with my dorm mates who didn't understand why I left the dorm at 6:00 every weekday and never returned before midnight.
On the other hand, although it wasn't possible to choose the topic of my future diploma thesis during my first years of college, I had already started discussions on this topic with Professor Mihai Golu who was pleased to see that a student had such concerns since his first year of college.
The first idea was to use my experience as a teacher and my knowledge about education (I knew the real situation of middle and high school education relatively well from my parents).
Specifically, I proposed to my professor a bold project for a future diploma thesis, whereby I would interrupt my studies in my third year of college (of course, with the prior approval of the Ministry of Education, the Faculty of Psychology, etc.), and for a year, coordinated by my professor, study the structuring of the value system and group psychology among fourth-year students at a high school in Bucharest.
To this end, with the energy and enthusiasm of my age, I proposed to enroll in the 12th grade at a Bucharest high school as a "student transferred from another high school" (of course, with the prior approval of the Ministry of Education, the School Inspectorate and the principal of the respective high school).
My teacher, taken by surprise and amazed by the non-standard proposal, reacted accordingly: "I've never heard of anything like that before, but it would be very interesting!".
Then came a sentence that brought me back to brutal reality:
"If I propose something like that to them, they'll throw us both out. We're not in America!"
We both laughed heartily and from that moment on (keeping our distance, of course) I became friends with my teacher.
As this utopian idea fell through, I looked for another theme that would appeal to me.
At that moment, the professor proposed that I participate as a student in the research in the field of suggestion and hypnosis that Professor Vladimir Gheorghiu from the Institute of Psychological and Pedagogical Research was doing, who had asked him to recommend a student, and that is where I would find a topic for my diploma thesis.
I accepted with enthusiasm because it was something captivating for a first-year student (I hoped that I would learn and apply the hypnosis techniques that seemed fascinating to me at the time).
At that moment in my first year, I even began to hope that life as a student in what was left of psychology would not be as terrible as it seemed to me when, after taking the exam in the summer at the Faculty of Psychology, I found myself in the fall with my fellow students at another faculty, namely at the Faculty of Philosophy-History, Psychology department.
For the generations of that time, it was a real trauma, the feeling of alienation being evident among students of philosophy, sociology, psychology, and pedagogy because no one expected this career change that saw students at the "faculty of social sciences" (in reality forced to study history as a second major) and forced to become teachers mainly in villages because the big cities were closed to graduates of humanities faculties.
Then I had the idea to somehow immortalize those moments because from the atmosphere in the faculty and the mood that existed in the country at that time, I concluded that very interesting times would follow.
I asked a friend from the Faculty of Civil Engineering from which I had retired to come with a camera and capture in the lens some first-year students from the Faculty of Philosophy, 1978 who were leaving the courses (Photo 1, 2). The courses were common in the first year of the faculty, the differentiation by sections was made starting from the second year.
In the seminar room captured in the image (Photo 3), almost all the students of the psychology department, series 1978-1981, appear, except for the one who took the photo and a colleague who was absent that day.
For a reason that I still can't fully explain, back then, photos were extremely rare with my classmates and almost never with the teachers (I only know of photos taken during agricultural practice in the fall of 1978, but none reached me).
In these photos presented below, there is also a student who his colleagues knew had a special status. Since the first year, there was a rumor circulating among us that his father was in the Central Committee of the Romanian Communist Party, his mother was a professor of socialism at the University of Bucharest, and that he would be the future valedictorian (and so it was!).
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1. Group of first-year students, Faculty of Philosophy and History of the University of Bucharest, 1978 (bottom left is a Syrian student at the same faculty). |
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3. Fourth year students, Psychology Department of the Faculty of Philosophy-History of the University of Bucharest, 1981 |
"the mind controls itself";"the mantra is a vehicle";"the mind is placed on the mantra";"the mantra is a vibration that resonates with the nervous system of each person", etc.),
" ...if a minimum of 500 people practice meditation at the same time, such a state of coherence is created in the population and such a state of purity is created that negative disruptive elements can no longer negatively influence the country, and the country can become invincible."Nicolae Stoian
"I'm going to a phone to start calling the targeted people. What are you doing now?" .The answer was astonishing and in full accordance with psychosis:"I'm going to the hospital to have surgery on my legs for the mounts!" .
" - Sergiu Simion ?- Yes!- I am Lieutenant-Major Popescu from the Capital Militia. Tell me what happened yesterday with N.R., I am interested in the details you know and your opinion about what happened. "
" -Couldn't you all jump on him and hit him in the head with a bottle?!- No, we're students and we want to finish college, not go to jail!"
When we got to the episode with the "international plot against socialism and communism" and the list of intellectuals and professors "in danger", he seemed skeptical, but when I told him about the so-called suspicious death of the first secretary from Buzau, which we all thought was an invention, he immediately became attentive and confirmed :
"- Yes, he died, we are investigating under what conditions!".
The final conclusion of the discussion was that it was most likely the onset of psychosis, but the opinion of the lieutenant-major was interesting:
" - All this madness must have started from something, there must have been something in the middle!".
This episode did not end even after the discussion with the policeman. At the end of the week, namely on Saturday morning, a colleague informed me that two people were waiting for me in the hall and wanted to talk to me.
I went down again with a feeling of anxiety. This time a man with white hair and an elderly woman were waiting for me in the hall of the dormitory, their state of sadness and depression being visible (the woman was crying).
They were N.R.'s parents who also wanted to find out from me what had happened to their son whom they had visited in the hospital and whom they had found beaten, barefoot, and with torn clothes.
I told them what had happened, what I knew and how I had behaved in a dangerous situation in which I had to make decisions alone.
Very affected by the fact that their son was confined to the Psychiatric Hospital, they asked me for help that I could not give and I tried to encourage them.
I told them that there is therapy for this type of cases and that by following adequate treatment their son will overcome the crisis.
Later I learned at the faculty that after approximately a month of hospitalization in psychiatry, N.R. had recovered and was again a professor.
"The collaboration between the party, the people and the Securitate organs must continuously increase"
Nicolae Ceausescu
The goal was to gain total control over the state, society and citizens and create the "new man". By virtue of achieving this goal, the regime's propaganda, "political-ideological and cultural-educational work to form the new man", was extended to education, schools and universities.
The social disciplines and sciences were all put through Procust's paces, deontological and moral considerations becoming obsolete and subsumed by the regime's goals.
The regime's first move on the chessboard was to launch a generalized offensive of social encapsulation and the creation of a false, parallel reality, namely the total control of the media and opinion leaders.
The second was the "reorganization", respectively the politicization of higher education, which aimed to liquidate university autonomy.
In 1977, by a decree issued "at the highest level", the five existing university specializations in the field of socio-humanistic disciplines were abolished, their students being merged into two sections: philosophy-history and history-philosophy. Social science professors and graduates of these faculties were considered activists. Research and higher education positions were blocked and there were no more assignments in these fields.
As a result, a strange connection appeared between the university and the political environment. Between the 1970s and 1980s, the "Stefan Gheorghiu" Academy discreetly recruited university professors, sociologists, psychologists, etc. from the University of Bucharest.
The last stage of the liquidation of university autonomy took into account the degradation of the status of social science graduates forced to take up positions below their qualifications.
In 1980, a decree was issued blocking assignments and transfers, large cities were closed, and university graduates were sent, to an overwhelming extent, to the villages. The motivation was ideological. The working class and the peasantry (and even more so the Securitate, militia and army) were considered the basic pillars of the regime, the weak link being the intelligentsia, seen by the regime as the greatest threat to the stability of the system.
In 1981, as a trainee teacher in a village in the Danube Delta, I had the opportunity to see such a "strategy" applied ad-hoc to teachers from Tulcea County who came to the "Annual Conference of Teachers" (as teachers were called then) which took place at the Trade Unions' Culture House.
"- Aren't you ashamed! The first secretary of the county enters the hall and you don't stand up?!"
The blow was downright mind-boggling. For a split second the room froze and paralyzed, and in the next split second over 95% of those present, out of fear, embarrassment, and stupor, suddenly stood up.
All these concerted actions of the communist regime were part of a preventive strategy through which the communist regime sought to eliminate any possible foci of dissent and revolt against its official line.
By capturing the media, the de jure politicization of the entire education system, the abolition of university autonomy, the deportation of graduates, and the de facto abandonment of professional ethics in the social and human sciences, any possible form of institutional resistance was annihilated. The communist regime was finally able to move on to the last stage of domestication of society, officially begun by the famous "theses of July 1971" when cultural issues were first brought up for discussion by cultural activists [8] .
What began in 1971 would be clarified by the "Mangalia Conference" of 1983 when "cultural issues" came to be discussed at the highest level.
It was the completion of a process of social engineering and change of mentalities that had begun since 1949-1952 when, through the famous "Pitești Experiment" [9], the communist regime had initiated the first "re-education process" (through torture!) for political prisoners. Now the regime applies the "re-education process" in another form not to former political prisoners and considered mortal enemies of the regime, but to all citizens forced to live in a false reality controlled by the party and which has become the state norm:
In 1977, young people who applied to emigrate abroad were subjected to interrogation by Securitate officers who had degrees in Law and Psychology [11 ].
In 1978, when the Faculty of Psychology was to be moved to the "Stefan Gheorghiu" Academy, the students knew that the dean of the faculty, Professor Paul Popescu-Neveanu, taught psychology courses at the Ministry of the Interior, where yoga courses were also held. They had even learned of the unspoken rule according to which Securitate officers had to be graduates of the Faculty of Law and/or the Faculty of Psychology/Sociology.
On the other hand, the emphasis and multiplication of the mechanisms of political, economic, social, administrative and psychological dependence on the system brought citizens into impossible situations fully exploited by the communist regime which resorted on a large scale to the most diverse forms of blackmail against its own citizens.
The techniques of pressure on individuals and groups and the methods of social control learned by activists and journalists at the "Stefan Gheorghiu" Academy where a psychological course on "Psychology of the Masses" had been taught since 1976 [12] fell into this category. Very interestingly, according to historian Lavinia Betea, the courses that were taught there disappeared because "they were allegedly set on fire" [13]
The legitimate question then arises as to what was the hidden reason for the regime to punish the intellectuals and specialists of the system in this way. One possible explanation would be that, from the point of view of a paranoid regime that saw hostile actions and subversion everywhere, they exceeded their mandate and were considered a danger.
From this perspective, the key element in the "Transcendental Meditation" affair was the bizarre relationship of this technique, and especially its form of presentation, with the ideology of the communist regime.
Ever since then, it has been a real enigma how such a "show" received the approval of a neo-Stalinist regime built on suspicion and the presumption of guilt of the citizen (namely the eternal acar Paun), respectively a duplicitous regime in which "under something something else is hidden" and the basic rules are disinformation, diversion and manipulation.
Another enigma is the way in which specialists in the field have analyzed only the technique itself, but without questioning the form of presentation of this technique, absolutely unusual for a research institute and one of the SF type and within the communist regime that violates its own taboos.
Most opinions converge on the fact that this business had close connections with the system and was very useful to the Romanian Communist Party (but it is not clear whether it was its initiator and organizer) which used it as a means of intimidating intellectuals seen as a threat to the system [14].
On the other hand, it is worth noting the dubious way in which this business began, namely the fact that during communism, a Romanian emigrant (!) proposed to the Romanian embassy in Paris "a spiritual education program" that was to increase the performance of the working people of Romania" or "a science of creative intelligence":
Starting from the way in which this affair was initiated, organized and finalized, focused on some basic pieces of the system, namely the regime's intellectuals and social science specialists, etc., from the very deep connections with the system and from the nature and extent of the reprisals that followed, there is a hypothesis that the entire "Transcendental Meditation" affair was conceived in the laboratories of the Securitate.
According to the architecture of the system, the instrument through which this goal could be achieved was the Securitate and its employees who, according to the classic rules of diversion, initially participated in what they later condemned [15] .
Later, one of the top decision-makers of the Securitate at the time described the "specific means" by which the targeted "objectives" fell into the net spread by the regime:
"A Romanian from Switzerland, a collaborator of ours, had created this sect of transcendentalists (sn). He had received approval from the Ministry of Education and the National Council of Teachers of Romanian Language and Literature. He had barely started recruiting and he caught them."
Nicolae Plesita General of Securitate
https://www.historia.ro/sectiune/general/articol/generalul-nicolae-plesnita-in-tinerete-leana-nu-cracnea-in-fata-lui-ceausescu
Viorel Patrichi, The Eyes and Ears of the People – Conversations with General Nicolae Pleșiță , Ianus Inf Publishing House, 2001.
The regime's visceral hatred of intellectuals and psychology (the removal of a sensitive profession is an extreme social aggression) was an extreme defensive reaction and showed the vulnerability of the regime and its actors, who feared a discipline that had the reputation of revealing what people and the system wanted to hide.
In this sense, the most plausible explanation of the genesis of this affair came from Professor Mihai Golu. In Romania, it was learned that some French psychologists had made Nicolae Ceausescu a psychological portrait based on his speeches, gestures, etc., a portrait that also included a possible diagnosis. From that moment on, the fate of psychology and any other field that could endanger in one way or another the image of the leaders and, consequently, the stability of the regime, was sealed.
Although I was horrified by what I had heard and expected the Securitate to investigate me, I tried to keep my calm and told Dr. Ion Negre that I had filled out my "personal file" with false data and from this point of view I do not officially exist in Nicolae Stoian's files, so I would only be investigated if one of the participants who knew me mentioned my name.
On the other hand, since my research colleague had mentioned her name on the file, but she was not investigated either, I later concluded that only important personalities were in the sights of the Securitate, so in reality it was a system-wide settling of scores.
"The screw is being tightened!"
Assoc. Prof. Dr. Aculin Cazacu
Statement made at the sociology course, first year,
Faculty of Philosophy-History, University of Bucharest, 1978
In relation to its extremely brutal beginning, the communist system had gradually changed its strategy, moving from the prison-type repression of the "Pitești Experiment" (1949-1953) through which the regime wanted to change human nature and obtain through torture the adhesion of citizens to the regime's value system [ 16] , to the soft-type repression in which the arsenal of pressure methods had changed its form and register, but not its purpose and essence.
By virtue of this purpose, the mechanisms of political, economic, administrative, social and psychological dependencies generated by the system were activated to the maximum.
In the case of "Transcendental Meditation" the repression was an unprecedented demonstration of force, namely a combination between the world contained in "The Trial" and "The Castle" by Franz Kafka and the world of "1984" by George Orwell.
For this purpose, the communist system activated the entire social megamachine built on absurdity, uncertainty, ambiguity, unstructuredness and indeterminacy, respectively a world and a society in which everything is relative and no one is sure of anything anymore because the sword of Damocles is hanging above everyone.
At a simple political command, the social megamachine could change the rules of the game at any time and reset the value systems, the criteria of appreciation and any social and professional status. White could become black and vice versa.
In this case, through the unprecedented blow applied arbitrarily to intellectuals and specialists, the system indirectly threatens the ordinary citizen and instills fear in the entire society.
With very few exceptions (Dr. Vladimir Gheorghiu obtained approval to emigrate to Germany, Andrei Plesu was sent as a librarian to the Tescani Museum) regardless of status, social position and professional training, the investigated personalities were excluded from their activities and sent to work as unskilled workers, which was practically equivalent to the awarding of certificates of political and professional incapacity. But things did not stop there. Although it did not recognize the world from George Orwell's book, the communist regime behaved according to its rules. Psychology was removed from the nomenclature of professions.
In the second case, a group of 12-15 well-known psychologists, including Dr. Vladimir Gheorghiu, Dr. Irina Holdevici, etc., sued the Romanian state for the abuse committed against them, trying to prove in court, with scientific arguments, that this meditation technique is a valid method of relaxation.
The magazine "Social Psychology" No. 13 /2004, thematic issue: Social/collective memory presented these details in detail and the way in which the "Transcendental Meditation" affair was understood and received by the participating psychologists (that issue is no longer available on the magazine's website, but only on a general information site):
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Returning to "guild solidarity", this could not be manifested in the case of the phantom "Association of Psychologists of Romania" because during communism such a thing was simply a sham.
Instead, we have the symptomatic situation within the Faculty of Psychology of the University of Bucharest. At the beginning of the 1980s, the Psychology Department was headed by Professor Paul Popescu-Neveanu.
Within it, Professor Mihai Golu made a presentation of the "Transcendental Meditation" sessions in which he participated, a presentation followed by a debate.
Later, when the Securitate investigations began, Professor Mihai Golu stated that he had the mandate and professional acceptance of his colleagues to investigate the technique, but the head of the Psychology Department at the time denied that any debate had taken place on this topic, resulting in Professor Mihai Golu acting "alone and without the knowledge of his colleagues".
Beyond this social blackmail, the communist system demonstrated once again that it can change its form at most, but never its criminal essence.
The naive attempt of some psychologists to sue a communist state "for human rights violations" had no chance of success in a political and social system run in secret according to the NKVD Directives of 1947 according to which repression was exercised only against those identified as enemies of the regime, while torturers and those who committed abuses continued to benefit from criminal impunity and financial omnipotence:
41. The rehabilitation of those convicted in political trials must be prevented at all costs. If this rehabilitation becomes inevitable, it is allowed only on the condition that the case is considered a miscarriage of justice, the convicted person will not be tried, but only pardoned; there will be no retrial, and the authors of the miscarriage of justice will not be summoned (sn).
42. It is forbidden to judge or even publicly criticize those leaders appointed by the party, who through their activities have caused losses or aroused the dissatisfaction of the employees. In drastic cases, they are recalled from office, being appointed to similar or higher positions. In the end, they must be put in leadership positions and kept on record as reserve cadres for the period of subsequent changes (sn).
Christopher Andrew, Oleg Gordievsky - KGB. The Secret History of Its Foreign Operations from Lenin to Gorbachev , ALL Publishing House, Bucharest, 1994, p.487-492
As a consequence, those affected by the repressive measures were able to return to their old jobs only after a few years of "labor re-education", but they were not rehabilitated either before or after 1990 [19] .
In the autumn of 1981 and in the midst of the repression against psychologists, I came from the village in the Danube Delta where I was assigned as a teacher to Bucharest and talked with Professor Mihai Golu.
The conclusion of the discussion at that time was a depressing one for me, but later validated. Not only could nothing be done about psychology and psychologists, but even more sinister times would follow for the entire Romanian society.
In 1994, at the National Psychology Conference, Professor Mihai Golu proposed to psychologists the establishment of a union or an organization to defend the rights of psychologists, arguing that the state would never get involved in solving such problems, but his proposal had no echo.
Instead, in 2004, law 213/2004 appeared on the establishment of the College of Psychologists of Romania, motivated by "defending the profession of psychologist", but which in reality only defended the interests of a bizarre organization.
The social and psychological traumas produced by the activity of the Securitate, the sinister "Pitesti Experiment", the Revolution, the mining raids, etc. social control, political, administrative and psychological pressures have never been considered subjects worthy of the attention of psychology.
Paradoxically, the fall of communism instead of producing a revival of psychology, led to a degradation of its status, to the capture of the field by courts foreign to the reign and to a distortion of the meaning of the profession of psychologist [ 22 ] .
By establishing the "discipline of national security psychology", the intertwining of the civilian and military domains in the field of psychology became mandatory, with psychology now being promoted in society "at an institutional level" . [23]
The result is one unimaginable even during communism.
The process of discreet militarization observed in the psychological field is not an isolated one.
The model was surprisingly quickly adopted not only by Romanian universities, but also by the Romanian Academy, which went beyond the stage of academic issues and suddenly became interested in the specific issues of intelligence services and the military field, organizing specific actions in this regard:
CONFERENCE "NATIONAL SECURITY IN A KNOWLEDGE-BASED SOCIETY. INTELLIGENCE, STRATEGIC KNOWLEDGE AND DECISION". Bucharest, November 26, 2012
http://www.juridice.ro/231688/securitatea-nationala-in-societatea-bazata-pe-cunoastere-intelligence-cunoastere-strategica-si-decizie-bucuresti-26-noiembrie-2012.html
“We believe that optimizing the formation of the intelligence culture of political decision-makers through the direct involvement of the National Intelligence Community aims at the following aspects:
- reforming the policies regarding the management of human resources of parties;
- training of political elites to include mandatory training in the field of national security; - involving the academic environment in the process of training political elites in the field of national security;
- access to classified information - a condition for registration on the electoral lists;
- continuous training programs in the field of national security for political decision-makers. (sn) “
NATIONAL INFORMATION COMMUNITY AND INTELLIGENCE CULTURE OF POLITICAL DECISION-MAKERS – CURRENT NEWS AND PERSPECTIVES
Dr. psychologist Ion Duvac associate professor University of Bucharest
https://documents.tips/documents/duvac-cultura-de-intelligence-a-decidentilor-politici-2007.htmlThe social result was the emergence of the most opaque elite institution of the Romanian state, namely the Academy of National Security Sciences (ASSN), also undermined by resounding scandals since its inception, scandals that led to a decision to abolish it voted by the Romanian Senate [25] .
In this case, we are talking about a complete metamorphosis of the political and social system that has passed from the primitive phase of surveillance of each individual to the much more evolved and more efficient phase of surveillance of institutions and organizations that in this way end up having a dual command.
At a general level, we can speak of a general control over the state and society that is no longer exercised by civil courts, but directly or indirectly, by the army and/or secret services.
"Anonymous said...
One of the missions of the secret services is to have permanent control over society in general and institutions or organizations in particular (sn) and the most efficient way is that through which a (former) worker infiltrates, under various forms and in various positions, the institution or organization in question. In general, it is preferred that he/she access a management position. In appearance, the intelligence structure seems to have given up on its own employee, but it uses him/her as long as his/her performance is not negatively influenced by any illness, any flagrant violation of the law or disclosure, and the transfer to the reserve does not mean that the intelligence structure has given up on him/her. Let's not forget that psychology is a weapon and that any weapon must be controlled. How? By ... the officers who lead COPSI (College of Psychologists of Romania -nn)."
November 19, 2011, 07:53
The end result is a degradation of the ethics of social sciences which, by politicizing their action, sabotage their own mission, sending extremely disturbing signals for democracy and the rule of law.
One such example was the "post-mortem psychiatric investigation" (but euphemistically called "psychological analysis of the suicide case", probably to evade certain ethical responsibilities) carried out after the tragic death of prosecutor Cristian Panait :
"...the psycho-legal perspective (forensic clinical psychology presents us with an accusatory algorithm – the indictment – as a series of hypothetical reasoning and deductive-implicative extrapolations unsupported by rigorous, realistic, pragmatically argued evidence, but which creates the appearance of logic and credibility) consisting in the chaining of real data, in the confusing context of false interpretations suggestively induced to their investigators by the accused-denouncers";
"...the prosecution fails to demonstrate/argue the guilt of the defendant Udrea Elena Gabriela as long as, from the perspective of the criminal substance, we do not identify behaviors or attitudes in her that materialize (objectify) the express will(sn) of mobilizing her cognitive, affective and volitional resources in the form of her intention to determine or demand through incitement, order, influence, promise, persuasion/convincing or other acts and actions that directly or indirectly, for herself or for another, to receive money or other benefits that are not due to her in connection with her service duties"
Tudorel Butoi
expert trainer in forensic clinical psychology
https://www.luju.ro/static/files/2016/decembrie_2016/09/Raport_de_expertiza_Butoi_-_Udrea.mark.pdf
https://www.luju.ro/dezvaluiri/cazuri-celebre/denuntatori-demascati-prin-expertiza-prof-univ-dr-tudorel-butoi-expert-psiholog-desfiinteaza-credibilităţie-denuntatorilor-folositi-de-dna-in-dosarul-gala-bute-pentru-ao-inculpa-pe-elena-udrea-ca-a-primit-mita-o-geanta-cu-900-000-euro-rechizitoriul-este-
Finally, following the antidemocratic and trivial model proposed by the Romanian College of Psychologists since its founding in 2006, namely that of examining all teachers in Bucharest and the country in order to hunt down "suspects (?!) of alcoholism, homosexuality, pedophilia"[26], the strange proposal for a state of law and for the ethics of the psychology profession has recently appeared, namely that of making clinical diagnoses in the public space and setting up social hunting ("anti-terror") teams to detect psychopaths in politics:
"The Victor Ponta case"
Victor Ponta provides us with excellent material for highlighting psychopathy and its extremely damaging consequences. I will use the open letter “ Have mercy on us, Victor Ponta !”, addressed in 2014 by Gabriel Liiceanu to Victor Ponta. It is perfect to check the clinical picture characteristic of the psychopathic politician ( sn ), to validate (again and again) the stupor and cognitive blockage that psychopathy provokes, but, above all, to announce (unfortunately) the incompatibility between the appeal to pity and the psychopathic structure.”
"Psychopaths must be cornered with tactics that target their psychopathy. If an anti-psychopathy (anti-terror) team is ever formed for Romania, I sincerely hope to be co-opted." http://www.contributors.ro/editorial/portretul-psihopatului-la-guvernare/ "@Jacques: Trust me, I'm not crazy about power. The anti-psychopath team will be in good hands. I care about equality, not control. Thanks for the comment."
http://www.contributors.ro/editorial/portretul-psihopatului-la-guvernare/#comment-332994
The problem is that the psychological field is now in exactly the same situation as the medical field in the 1990s, when the old Romanian College of Physicians was challenged by a newly emerged college (this information appeared in the written press of the 1990s, but can no longer be found on the Internet), and in the more recent and equally bizarre situation in which the legal field found itself, led by parallel bars that challenged each other in court [27] .
In the case of psychology, the Romanian College of Psychologists, which emerged in 2006, filed a criminal complaint for "fraud, forgery, use of forgery and usurpation of official qualities, through the illegal issuance of false documents by an organized group", respectively against the new Romanian College of Psychologists [28] , which in turn filed a criminal complaint against the old one, accused of inequalities [ 29] .
Until this trivial dilemma that horrifies public opinion is resolved by the courts, the former president of the College has already been sued by the DNA for embezzlement of funds [30] , and his vice-president has been stripped of his doctorate due to plagiarism [31] .
The dramatic situation of these sensitive areas seriously affects their credibility and may explain the emergence of tendencies of exacerbated social control foreign to a state of law.
These tendencies have evolved in parallel with the astonishing metamorphosis of the legal system which, at political command, has begun to systematically sabotage the principles of the state of law, moral and social normality. For the first time, the Romanian justice system, through its official representatives, has begun to openly promote not the rights of citizens, but the interests of criminals, provoking very strong reactions both in the country and at the level of the European Union and the USA.
The best proof that we are not talking about isolated mistakes or accidents, but about conscious, deliberate initiatives and concerted actions in several areas of social life is the diversionary way in which the Faculty of Philosophy of the University of Bucharest recently behaved, disguising an event organized within it by announcing it not on the official website of the faculty, but on the website of Radio Clasic.
Under the aegis of a university professor within it, the Faculty of Philosophy accepts, 30 years after the fall of communism, the organization of a meeting with the theme " Violence in history, an ethical and anthropological perspective " moderated by Prof. Univ. Dr. Vasile Morar (specializing in Ethics) to which Petre Roman and Teodor Brates, respectively two persons officially accused of crimes against humanity committed during the 1989 Revolution, are invited as opinion leaders and social models.[32]

https://www.g4media.ro/mai-multe-organizatii-civice-protesteaza-fata-de-invitarea-lui-petre-roman-si-a-lui-teodor-brates-la-o-conferinta-la-facultatea-de-filosofie-este-inadmisibila-transformarea-mediului-academic-intr-o-t.html
"The events organized by the Faculty of Philosophy are made public on the institution's website, through official posts on social media networks or through posters displayed in the academic spaces dedicated to them. The event referred to in the information circulated in the press or the statements on the internet represents the personal initiative (sn) of the teaching staff involved, not being organized and promoted institutionally by our faculty. Its promotion was exclusively the result of the personal initiatives of the students (sn) and their takeover by the media. The use in different contexts of the collective subject "Faculty of Philosophy" as the initiator and organizer of the respective event represents either the result of a basic lack of information or a deliberate falsification of reality.
The Faculty of Philosophy unconditionally respects the freedom of expression exercised in the university environment, as well as the right of each of its members to organize debates in this space, on any topic, with guests they consider appropriate in this regard, as long as the University Charter and the Romanian laws in force are respected. The Faculty of Philosophy respects the right to an opinion of any person who disagrees, verbally or in writing, with those freely stated in the university space, but rejects any incitement to censor these statements for reasons other than legal ones."
http://filosofie.unibuc.ro/2019/01/17/pozitia-facultatii-de-filosofie-in-legatura-cu-invitarea-domnilor-petre-roman-si-teodor-brates-la-un-curs-desfasurat-in-cadrul-facultatii/
All these attacks on the rule of law and on social normality do not bode well for the evolution of Romanian society.
They are equivalent to the concerted application of strategies of decivilization and dehumanization at the level of the entire Romanian society, which in only 30 years has transformed from a primitive communist society into a duplicitous society of the second degree, namely a society of diversion in which "under something something else is hidden", confirming the fact that Romania has become the target of a hybrid war and a turntable for the fight between European-style democracy and Russian-style autocracy.
Published in series in the magazine Acolada of the Romanian Writers' Union
http://www.editurapleiade.ro/REVISTA.pdf
Dennis Deletant mail.com | Jan 21, 2019, 6:16 PM |
Ceausescu and the Securitate: Coercion and Dissent in Romania, 1965-89, London: Hurst & Co.; New York : M.E. Sharpe, 1995.